4.19. Ugric

4.19.1. Ugric evolution

Some developments of Proto-Ugric include (Sammallahti 1988):

·       Possessive suffix before case suffix.

·       Future tense.

·       Compound verb forms with auxiliary following the lexical verbs.

·       Early development of SOV order, but with a trend to follow the innovative Proto-Finno-Permic SVO.

·       Lack of genitive forces possession to be marked by placing the possessor in unmarked form before the possessed, attaching to the head noun a possessive pronoun agreeing with the possessor.

·       Extremely frequent use of the passive, with logical subject (grammatical nonsubject) appearing in an oblique case, while logical object (grammatical subject) is in the nominative, triggering verb agreement.

·       Generalised negative particle *-ne.

·       Intense systematic vocalic changes, in contrast with Proto-Finno-Permic (Sammallahti 1988). Among important changes: *ū → *u, *ō → *a, *ē → *ä, *ë̅ → *ë, → *i, *ü → *ǚ; *o → *a (in most cases, except open syllables before *ï), *a → *o after *p and *; *e → *i before second syllable *i.

·       Consonant changes include *s, *š →*ϑ; *ś → *s in general, but *ś after nasals, *ŋ intervocalically (although in some cases it is preserved); *ɣ*g.

Interesting relative to the parallel development in Proto-Finno-Samic (see above §4.18.4. Contacts with Balto-Slavic) is PUg. *manćɨm ‘man, person’, possibly from a source akin to Indo-Iranian *manu-, maybe through an intermediate Central Asian agricultural language using a common suffix *-ka (found in Tocharian, Indo-Iranian and other Central Asian wanderwords, see §3.4.3. Asian agricultural substratum).

 

4.19.2. Schleicher’s fable in Proto-Ugric

uči – luu̯it

uči, ńurana alis,

luu̯ii̯ näkis;

će enä u̯igim u̯igintä,

će läula kantam,

će koimim sarka kantanta

uči luu̯ii̯ uktas:

“sjmäm ćärki

manćim luu̯ii̯ ai̯antam näkintä

luu̯it i̯uktast: “kuli, uči!

sjmäk ćärki näkintä:

manći, aϑira, učin sägrätä

mälä u̯urɣam teki-,

učin sägrä es-alik.”

a kulimä uči ńurmik puktas.